Why the Democrats lost -- economic reality
To begin with, there was the evidence of deteriorating conditions that was visible to anyone. Ludwig observes:
But when traveling the country, I’ve encountered something very different. Cities that appeared increasingly seedy. Regions that seemed derelict. Driving into the office each day in Washington, I noted a homeless encampment fixed outside the Federal Reserve itself.
Note that the same is true of the bogus "crime is down" narrative that Democrats endlessly regurgitated, while determinedly ignoring or rebuking ordinary voters' insistence on believing what they could see happening in their downtowns right in front of their eyes instead of accepting the crime statistics being spouted by the talking heads (I've explained here multiple times why those statistics were wrong).
Ludwig assembled a team of researchers to investigate why the physical reality on the ground wasn't reflecting the rosy official numbers. The post linked above reveals his findings. Unemployment, for example, is calculated in a way ludicrously divorced from reality. Anyone who is earning any money at all -- even homeless people scrounging a little work here and there -- is counted as "employed". People who have given up and are no longer looking for work are not counted among the "unemployed". The post itself gives more details and actual numbers. The final conclusion is a shocker:
I don't believe those who went into this past election taking pride in the unemployment numbers understood that the near-record low unemployment figures -- the figure was a mere 4.2 percent in November -- counted homeless people doing occasional work as "employed." But the implications are powerful. If you filter the statistic to include as unemployed people who can’t find anything but part-time work or who make a poverty wage (roughly $25,000), the percentage is actually 23.7 percent.
In other words, the true employment picture behind the rosy figures was disastrous.
The biggest economic issue in the election was inflation. Officially, inflation had largely abated, even though prices had not yet begun to return to normal levels. But again, the problem lies in the way the statistics are calculated. The Consumer Price Index tracks the price changes on eighty thousand different goods and services, but most of the costs encountered by most Americans involve only a small fraction of these -- groceries, rent, insurance premiums, and the like. And prices on things people actually buy were going up much faster than the CPI's average of those mostly-irrelevant eighty thousand items.
My own experience reflects this. By far my biggest expense is rent. Every year the increase in my rent, whether in percentage terms or absolute dollars, is considerably larger than the increase in my Social Security. My car insurance and health insurance (even with the ACA subsidy) go up by double-digit percentage increases each year. The official inflation rate bears no resemblance at all to the reality I actually experience. And the great majority of voters were in a similar position. Most people's incomes were not keeping up. Not even close.
Finally, there is the issue of the distribution of economic growth, which Ludwig downplays, but which I think is critical:
There is, to be sure, real value in tracking the sheer volume of domestic production, though GDP is an imperfect measure even of that. But as useful as the figure may be in the sense that it purports to track generalized national wealth, it is hampered by a profound flaw: It reveals almost nothing about how the attendant prosperity is shared. That is, if a small slice of the population is awarded the great bulk of the bounty from economic growth while everyone else remains unenriched, GDP would rise nevertheless. And that, to a crucial degree, is exactly what has happened. Here, the aggregate measure of GDP has hidden the reality that a more modest societal split has grown into an economic chasm.
He follows with some discussion of education levels and geography, but in fact the real issue is at the top-income extreme. Over the last few years, the wealth of billionaires has increased by staggering amounts, with the very richest few heaping up individual piles in the hundreds of billions. They did not produce that wealth. The workers did. But the parasite class has perfected the art of gaming the system to skim off most of the growth in national wealth for themselves, leaving the actual creators of wealth struggling.
I was basically aware of most of this throughout the campaign. I still voted for Democrats pretty much across the board -- the Republicans, obsessed with ever more tax cuts for the already wealthy, would have exacerbated these problems even more, not alleviated them. Yet it remained infuriating that most Democrats showed no real awareness of how dire the situation has become. And by reciting official numbers that bore no relation to the reality that most people were living in, they sounded hopelessly out of touch. I can understand why many who would otherwise have voted Democratic simply did not feel motivated to turn out. And many voters don't vote based on which party they think will best solve the problems they see -- instead, when things are bad, they vote against the party in power to punish them, regardless of who the alternative is. You can call people all the names you like for voting that way. It remains a fact, one which candidates need to accept and accommodate.
I write critical posts like this because I want Democrats to win in the future. To do so, they will need to accurately understand the reality the country is going through. As a general rule, any time you find yourself thinking "why are the voters so wrong?", it's you who are on the wrong track.
What the country needs is a radical populist agenda -- a full restoration of reasonable tax rates on the ultra-wealthy plus whatever additional measures are needed to re-distribute those obscene piles of wealth back to those who actually created them. Ideas like basic income, national rent control, tough federal support for unionization, and other radical measures to address inequality need to be on the table. This is what the Democrats must embrace in order to win. Penny-ante fiddling around with tax credits for this and that is not going to cut it any more. The extreme concentration of wealth in the hands of a few is a national emergency. It needs to be treated like one.
[Please, no comments along the lines of "we're becoming a dictatorship and there won't be any more elections". I'm trying to stay reality-based here.]
17 Comments:
So, Infidel, could you see this paradigm shift happening within the next generation? To construct and implement a radical, populist agenda and PUSH IT HARD? I ask “next generation” because we are certainly at that inflection point where if this… capitalistic / authoritarian control bullshit keeps gaining, I see any capacity to change being obliterated. What ever happened to the “Occupy Wall Street” groups? Are any still active and gathering?
These are fights I am willing to fight, and I don’t mind feeling pain if the outcome means something better down the road for society. I don’t appreciate being continually put in pain and nothing changes (which I think is the point of the article).
Thank you for the post!
Rade
I think that paradigm shift is already well under way among the public -- see the mass reaction to the UHC CEO assassination among many people on both the left and the right, and the popular support in polls for measures such as higher taxes on the rich and more wealth redistribution generally. The problem is that neither political party is ready yet to embrace that paradigm shift. Even the Democrats kowtow to billionaire donors instead of seeing them as a class enemy to be attacked and crushed. The psychological shift is probably too large for most career politicians' minds to accommodate.
The best-case plausible scenario is the rise of a non-partisan, class-war-based mass movement against the parasite class, led by the kind of people who openly celebrated the CEO assassination, which would eventually grow so large that one political party (it hardly matters which one) feels compelled to embrace and include it, and ultimately becomes dominated by it. If that doesn't happen, I think an actual violent revolution is not completely out of the question. But I hope the two-party system can manage to accommodate this. Until they do, all the left-vs-right stuff is pretty much irrelevant.
If you live in lower class communities like my own neighborhood, you see how bad things are. The people in power don't live or visit these places and don't see how bad things really are for a lot of people and they don't really care. I voted for Democrats across the board as well. Hopefully in the future more Democrats will win.
Your well-reasoned statistical skepticism reminded me of research from years ago demonstrating that people with smaller hat sizes, on average, were less capable at complex mathematical calculations.
The difference disappeared when infants and small children were excluded from the analysis.
The Reality of most of us bore no resemblance to the Statistical Data collected. We have a 3 Generation Family living with us in our Retirement because it has become a necessity for our Kids and Adult Grandkids due to Inflation and cost of basic Necessities like Housing, which are no longer affordable even with good Jobs, let alone shitty paying ones or having sporadic employment. Most Social Services for the Marginalized are parsed out sparingly and likely to be cut further or eliminated completely. Most Employers now aren't paying livable Wages that match the rate of Inflation, or Benefits, so reliance on the ACA are very high. I do think the Long Con is in full swing now, so, those barely hanging on will be impacted most dramatically.
Mary: I thought of you, and some of my other readers, when writing this. There are plenty of people out there who definitely aren't living in a booming economy.
Burr: Maybe that's what the government statisticians were doing. The country would definitely measure as richer if you just didn't count all the poor people.
Bohemian: I've read that there are more people around thirty living with their parents than ever before -- another sign that times are actually bad. I couldn't afford health insurance at all without the ACA. If Trump wrecks the economy and the Republicans take away what little social safety net we have, I think an actual revolution isn't off the table.
There is no doubt that the Democrats ignored this problem, as they did the flip side of that coin, that it's the elites in Washington and State Capitals running the show that are the problem (widespread among people I know) . Universal among the Trumpers I know is the wholehearted support for Trump's efforts to punish the people and ideas he/they don't like and the economy argument and government "efficiency" BS is just a tool for delivering that punishment.
There's no doubt that nearly everything Trump is doing to the economy will make the situation even worse than it already is. Since my primary interest is in encouraging Democrats to correct their own past mistakes so they'll be better positioned to win future elections, I'm focusing on those mistakes (at least in this type of post), rather than on Republican errors which are already fairly obvious and well known among most people who read this blog.
I couldn't agree with you more about how the economy actually works for most non-rich people, and about the radical populist agenda we really need to turn things around. But the terribly frustrating thing is: how can Democrats hope to win elections, when thanks to the odious Buckley v. Valeo and its monster spawn, Citizens United, national elections cost hundreds of millions of dollars to run in.
We don't just need Democrats who are willing to run on a truly radical, populist agenda -- we need a meaningful strategy for being competitive in elections where the other side is lavishly, endlessly funded by the billionaire plutocrats whom the Republicans so eagerly serve. And I just wish I could see a way to make that happen in the real world.
Pie: The Harris campaign raised over a billion dollars, and the party raised much more. It should be possible to get the message out. I don't think the problem was an inability to be heard. The problem was blathering about "joy" when so many voters are struggling and miserable, insisting that crime is down and that most people are doing well economically when everyone can see for themselves that it's not true, and the fact that the Democrats had positioned themselves as the party of putting male sex criminals in women's prisons and letting mentally-ill men use the girls' bathroom (I know Harris didn't talk about that much, but Trump's campaign did, and the party had already painted that target on itself). They also need to focus on reaching voters who are not already on their side. Go on Fox and Joe Rogan, like Buttigieg has. Some Republican voters are unreachable, but not all.
The Harris campaign did, as you say, raise over a billion dollars, but you can't say it would have had that much money had it explicitly run a truly radical, populist agenda that would steeply raise taxes on not only billionaires, but the comfortably-wealthy as well. That $billion-plus wasn't made up exclusively from $5 and $10 contributions from working folks.
And what do you think the Republicans would have done if Harris had run on a radical populist platform? Their many billionaire supporters would have pulled out all the stops to vilify and lie about the Dems, AND the media would have helped out with "both-siderism" and normalizing GOP extremism.
I'm not arguing just to argue, I'm wondering how you think a future Democratic platform could successfully run on the radical populist platform that you and I both agree is what we really need -- especially since a lot of funding the party currently gets would dry up in a second.
I don't agree with you about all the reasons you believe we lost, but I would very much like to know what you think we can do going forward to win.
I'm not a political consultant and cannot design a campaign plan in detail. But as I said, 2024 was pretty much proof (as if any further proof were needed) that money isn't nearly as decisive in politics as people tend to think. A message that resonates with voters may well succeed even with a more modest budget; a message that doesn't resonate will fail even with a gigantic budget (it did fail with a gigantic budget). Current campaigning strategy tends to waste huge amounts of money on endless TV ads that voters rapidly get sick of. Having Pete Buttigieg go on Fox and appeal to right-leaning but reachable voters doesn't cost anything. Certainly fewer billionaires would contribute to a populist campaign, but others, such as unions, would likely give more. Some rich people are not part of the parasite class because their wealth doesn't come from exploiting and underpaying vast numbers of workers -- I'm thinking mostly of artistic creatives like Taylor Swift or JK Rowling. And it would be hard for the parasite class and their wholly-owned mass media to be any more in the tank for the Republicans than they already were last year.
It also wouldn't cost anything to jettison the disastrous culture-war stances that make the Democrats beyond the pale in most of rural America even though its economic stagnation might otherwise make it more open to a true populist party. The trans nonsense, the crusade against guns (which are a treasured part of the very culture in much of the country), the identity politics and reflexive negativity about "whiteness" -- it all needs to go. Abortion rights need to be more emphasized; that's a concrete rights issue of proven popularity. Boys on the girls' sports teams and giving kids puberty blockers is never, ever going to fly with normal people. All it can do is drag down the party and the whole agenda.
Billions of dollars and a focus-grouped, out-of-touch, billionaire-friendly platform managed to lose even against Trump after people had already seen how awful he was just four years previously. My ideas may not win, but going on with the same-old same-old almost certainly won't win.
What Mary said! So many politicians are completely out of touch with how ordinary folk live and the colossal difficulties they have to contend with.
I agree with some of what you say, and disagree with some. I do have to ask, how did the Harris campaign express "reflexive negativity about 'whiteness'?"
Nick: Unfortunately so. Pretty much all politicians are rich by most people's standards, and most of them have been much richer than average all their lives. They don't intuitively get it.
Pie: The campaign may or may not have, but a lot of the noisy and highly-visible left fringe does, and the Democrats get tarred with that unless they explicitly repudiate it. I really think we've exhausted the subject.
I think it was David Frum, George W. Bush's speechwriter, who said that if liberals won't police the border, then fascists will. While the Biden Administration did manage to significantly curb the migrant flow in 2024, it was too late to shift the perception in the minds of the voters that the situation was out of control.
I agree with you that the Democrats need to make a course correction on issues that turned off portions of the electorate. However, I think we need a course correction with Republicans as well. Sometimes I wonder if in predominantly Red states, if it would make sense for Independents and some Democrats to register as Republicans and help more moderate candidates get nominated. Right now we have a situation where Republican politicians are afraid of Trump's wrath and of getting primaried if they either oppose or are not deemed sufficiently loyal to him.
Trying to nominate more moderate Republicans might help. So far, such efforts have focused on trying to nominate more extreme Republicans, candidates so extreme they can't win, in order to help the Democrat. That may or may not work as intended, but it does risk normalizing extremism.
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